Urbanisation of City Centres | Essay

Urbanisation of City Centres | Essay Introduction The past few decades have witnessed a myriad of development and rapid change throughout the city centres of the developed nations. Promethean gentrification schemes, improvements in infrastructure, and an amelioration of the service sector have all assisted in encouraging many citizens to buy or rent property within the very heart of the city. As Pacione (2005, pg. 84) has highlighted, ‘there is now a growing body of case-study evidence that indicates a recovery of large cities from the high levels of population loss experienced in the 1970s era of counter urbanisation.’ Pacione (2005, pg.84) has also revealed that ‘the rate of population loss for all 280 of Britain’s urban areas fell from 4.2% in 1971-81 to 0.1% for 1981-1991.’ Thus, it would appear that there has been much success in encouraging households to dwell within the vibrant ‘zone of transition.’ However, academics are keen to discern whether or not the often adventurous strategies deployed by urban authorities and private investors alike will truly serve to stem the tide of citizens who seek to relocate to the rural hinterland. The coming of ‘re-urbanisation’ From the mid eighteenth century onwards ‘that complex series of innovations commonly referred to as the industrial revolution’ hastened the process of urbanisation throughout Europe and gave birth to the ‘industrial city’ (Pacione, 2005, pg. 50). Social commentators such as Marx and Engels noted how the city exhibited an ‘unequal division of power’ (Pacione, 2005, pg. 51) between the capitalists (who owned property) and the working classes. Indeed, Engels’ study of Manchester during the mid 19th century highlighted the phenomenon of ‘class-repulsion.’ The Chicago school of the 1920s promulgated the theory of ‘the city as organism.’ Burgess’s ‘concentric ring’ model of the industrial city highlighted how the form of an urban area commonly extended from a central business district (which was normally surrounded by a zone of poor quality housing and social exclusion) to areas of increasing affluence in the outer city and hinterland. The majority of the great industrial urban centres throughout Europe did indeed exhibit this pattern. However, since 1945 there has been a period of ‘post industrial urbanisation’ and a consequent ‘restructuring of urban form’ (Pacione, 2005, pg. 65). One could now say that many cities within the developed world have now moved into a fourth transitional stage known as ‘re-urbanisation.’ This phenomenon is when ’the rate of population loss of the core tapers off, or the core starts regaining population’ (Pacione, 2005, pg. 83). Such a trend is encouraging for municipal authorities and private investors who for many years have been forced to endure a process of depopulation or ‘counter urbanisation’ within the inner city. This was due to a period of industrial decline from the 1950s onwards. The large slum clearance and resettlement projects conducted within cities such as Glasgow and Liverpool also significantly reduced the urban population. As Holliday (1973, pg. 4) has succinctly stated, ‘change in cities is the result both of social, economic and technological forces at work in society and of particular local forces and physical factors within the city.’ Factors which have altered the structure of urban settlements and attracted residents back towards the city centre are indeed varied. There have been demographic alterations throughout the West since the post war ‘baby-boom.’ ‘Over a quarter of households contain only one person’ and ‘more women are starting a family late in life’ (Pacione, 2005, pg. 106). Thus, the requirement of a suburban family dwelling is not as essential for as many citizens now and the prospect of an inner city apartment may seem more attractive. As Knox and Pinch (2006, pg. 33) have also observed, the ‘growth of the service economy has had important consequences for the social geography of cities.’ Indeed, western cities are no l onger industrial zones over-shadowed by Blake’s ‘dark satanic mills’ and many white collar workers within the financial sector often dwell comfortably within the urban core. However, many would argue that the most potent force which has initiated the process of ‘re-urbanisation’ has been the stance adopted by governmental authorities in order to revitalise the city. Such a determination to improve the vitality and viability of the CBD often manifests itself in the guise of ambitious public/private ventures focusing on regenerating an entire area of the inner city. This was certainly the case at the London Docklands which has been entirely transformed over the past three decades. The Regeneration of the London Docklands The redevelopment of the London Docklands has been much publicised and is an example of a public/private venture which sought to revamp the ‘brown area of mostly abandoned nineteenth century docks and warehouses’ (Rykwert, 2000, pg.226) close to the centre of London. The London Docklands Development Corporation (LDDC) was set up in 1981 in order to manage the project. As Rykwert (2000, pg. 226) has noted, ‘Docklands offered a prime site for development, but only if there was huge investment.’ The LDDC coordinated the regeneration and transformation of this once dilapidated zone. In 1987 the government also agreed to ‘fund an elaborate infrastructure’ of ‘roadways, rail links, and mains services on a large scale’ (Rykwert, 2000, pg. 226). Docklands was also designated as an ‘Enterprise Zone’ which was exempt from the rigorous planning restrictions which existed elsewhere within the city centre. According to the LDDC ‘Strategy for Regeneration’ report of 1997, the population of the locale had ‘increased from 39,400 to more than 80,000’ and the number of jobs had ‘risen from 27,200 to 72,000’ (LDDC, 1997) since 1981. The Corporation also stated that ‘the substantial numbers of new houses built has relieved pressure for residential development in Londons Green Belt’ (LDDC, 1997). A policy of offering generous tax incentives to private investors, coupled with public investment in local services would appear to have paid off. The LDDC also insisted that the newly revitalised residential districts of the zone are entirely ‘sustainable.’ However, there are some who would argue that the regeneration of the Docklands and the creation of new employment opportunities at Canary Wharf has largely benefited the influx of white collar workers, to the detriment of the socially excluded indigenous population. Gentrification of the area has also displaced many of the original inhabitants. Rykwert (2000, pg. 227) notes the stark contrast between the ‘expensively finished high-rise office buildings’ which ‘dwarf the more or less gated new housing to make an even sharper contrast with a blighted hinterland.’ Indeed, Rykwert also draws attention to the nearby borough of Tower Hamlets, which still suffers from one of the highest unemployment rates in the UK. Such a redeveloped area seems to be attractive to younger professional people who can enjoy the services and cultural aspects of the city centre close at hand. However, the ultra-secure environment of intercoms, security cameras and high walls, which en velopes the modern residential buildings, insulating the affluent from the potentially unsavoury world around them, is less appealing to families with young children. As Pacione (2005, pg. 65) has emphasised, young families will naturally gravitate towards the ‘stability, security’ and ‘comfortable world of consumption’ offered by suburban life. Marketing the City Centre Promoting a ‘positive image’ of the city is of paramount importance to contemporary municipal authorities. Indeed, as Knox and Pinch (2006, pg. 51) have noted, recent years have witnessed numerous ‘attempts by public agencies to re-brand cities and make them attractive to investors.’ The ‘Glasgow’s Miles Better’ campaign of the 1980s and 1990s, which was launched by Glasgow City Council, sought to shake off the ‘hard’ image the city had acquired as a centre of social depravation and criminal activity. The ‘Garden Festival’ of 1988 and Glasgow obtaining the accolade of ‘European City of Culture’ in 1990 further improved the reputation of the city and its environs. Glasgow is now considered to be a vibrant centre which offers a wide array of services and boasts a much improved infrastructure. Gentrification projects along the River Clyde coupled with the rejuvenation of the ‘Merchant City’ in the heart of the town have attracted white collar workers back towards the hub. The local council and private investors are now keen to promote the city’s heritage as well as preserving listed buildings, areas of environmental importance and historical monuments. Such a policy adds emphasis to Holli day’s (1973, pg. 21) statement that ‘the image of a city centre is a reflection of the values of city councillors and officers’ and that it is imperative to ‘present a centre of obvious commercial prosperity, traditional values, cultural activities and an appearance reflecting pride in the city.’ Such a determination to promote a positive image of urban space also compounds Eaton’s (2001, pg. 10) notion that ‘something as complex as the city can be promoted in the mind’s eye.’ The very perception one has of a city or space is of the utmost importance and has been of great interest to academics such as Michel Foucault and David Sibley in recent years. The LDDC also highlighted how the social connotations surrounding the name ‘Docklands’ have changed dramatically over the past few years due to positive marketing and a subsequent re-imaging of this once run-down area. The same phenomenon can readily be applied to the city of Glasgow, as well as other sites of urban regeneration. However, modern-day architects who design dwellings for inner city urbanites understand the complexity of their task. Graham Haworth (who was involved in the renovation and design of residential buildings in Coin Street in central London) has acknowledged how ‘city-centre housing still proves to be something of a paradox’ and that buildings must ‘fit in comfortably to a metropolitan context’ whilst providing a ‘setting for small scale domestic activity’ (Haworth, 2003, pg. 150). Indeed, public tastes often alter considerably through time and space, and this phenomenon also represents a major challenge to all agencies involved in restoring and maintaining the vibrancy and vitality of the ‘zone of transition’. Conclusion Urban authorities now deploy a range of strategies to enhance their city centres. Allen, Massey and Pryke (1999, pg. 100) have also observed that ‘new flows of international tourists and business people are restructuring old urban spaces.’ As Knox and Pinch (2006, pg. 33) have highlighted, the post war world has witnessed the ‘emergence of global cities’ which must compete for inward investment. The city centre offers a range of options for developers. The process of gentrification is seen by many to be a positive element in regenerating brown belt sites and a ‘back-to-the-city move by capital’ (Knox, Pinch, 2006, pg. 145). However, some would contest this ‘revanchist’ notion. Pacione (2005, pg. 212) has noted that gentrification ‘commonly involves residential relocation by people already living in the city’ and is not a ‘back-to-the-city move by suburbanites.’ The notion championed by the LDDC, and other agencies, that inner city redevelopment will place less strain on the rural hinterland and reduce the flow of households to the periphery is also questionable. It should be borne in mind that inner city regeneration tends to attract younger professional people in the 20-39 age group. Statistics released by the Development and Regeneration Services of Glasgow (2007, pg. 14) this year concluded that over 35% of the inner city population was within this age group. Numbers of citizens falling into the other age categories were below the national average. Indeed, one could say that the vibrancy of the urban core is more appealing to young professionals as opposed to households with children. Tonkiss (2005, pg. 80) has also emphasised that gentrification ‘remains something of a minority taste.’ As Holliday has highlighted, a variety of factors, from demographics to technological shifts, affect the development of the city. Municipal strategies tend to respond to these forces, and act accordingly. Despite the recent success of urban regeneration schemes, and a marked reduction in the depopulation of city centres throughout the UK, it seems likely that many households will continue to seek the safety and security of the rural periphery. During the period from 1981 to 1991 suburban zones in the UK continued to expand at a rate of ‘less than 6%’ (Pacione, 2005, pg. 84). Many retired people are also tending to move away from urban areas and relocate within the ‘sunbelt’ zone of the Mediterranean region. Bibliography ALLEN, J. MASSEY, D. PYKE, M. Unsettling Cities, Routledge, 1999 DEVELOPMENT AND REGENERATION SERVICES OF GLASGOW, Glasgow Factsheets, DRS, 2007 EATON, R. Ideal Cities: Utopianism and the (Un)built Environment, Thames and Hudson, 2001 HOLLDAY, J. City Centre Redevelopment: A Study of British City Centre Planning and Case Studies of Five English Cities, Charles Knight, 1973 KNOX, P. PINCH, S. Urban Social Geography, Pearson, Prentice Hall, 2006 LONDON DOCKLANDS DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION, Strategy for Regeneration Report, LDDC, 1997 PACIONE, M. Urban Geography: A Global Perspective, Routledge, 2nd Edition, 2005 RYKWERT, J. The Seduction of Place: The City in the Twenty-First Century, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 2000 THOMAS, R. Sustainable Urban Design: An Environmental Approach, Spon Press, 2003 TONKISS, F. Space, The City and Social Theory: Social Relations and Urban Forms, Polity Press, 2005 RIDDELL, R. Sustainable Urban Planning, Blackwell, 2004 SHORT, J, R. Urban Theory: A Critical Assessment, Palgrave, MacMillan, 2006 1

Formation of Asean Essay

The formation of ASEAN was mainly driven by the desire to improve on diplomatic relations between Southeast Asian nations so that they could focus more on nation building efforts. The 1960s was the decade of tumult, where Southeast Asian nations faced various external tensions and conflicts from one another. During then, it was of utmost importance for SEA nations to improve multilateral diplomatic relations so as to promote peace in the region. This peace would refer to ensuring political stability and diminishing animosity among SEA nations so as to allow them to build their nations collective as a whole. Should the territorial disputes and racial tensions between SEA nations escalate to armed conflict between SEA nations, it could greatly affect SEA nation building. There were a few key events which highlighted this fear. Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation during 1962–1966 expressed Indonesia’s political and armed opposition to the creation of Malaysia. In 1963, President Sukarno ordered Indonesian paratroopers to instigate a military attack on Malaysia and to initiate acts of sabotage in Singapore. This situation and events subsequently strained ties between the two nations. To make matters worse, Malaysia’s relationship with Philippines were soured due to dispute ownership over Sabah. These SEA countries had to deal with conflicts with its neighbours while tending to their own domestic problems. Indonesia, embroiled in conflict with Malaysia, suffered internal discontent due to Sukarno’s mismanagement of the economy and the implementation of guided democracy. As SEA nations wanted to concentrate fully on nation building efforts, they first had to settle regional disputes so as to be able to allocate time and resources for domestic improvement. Thus, ASEAN was set up by the desire to improve diplomatic relations. Although the main impetus for the formation of ASEAN was political in nature, economic cooperation was also high on the agenda of the organisation. The economies of the SEA nations were still developing in the 1960s and were largely dependant on their foreign colonel masters. As such, the SEA nations wanted to form ASEAN so as to promote regional trade and economic links. In this way, they can cut dependence from western countries but instead tap on resources from within. In the 1960s, intra-regional trade was a mere 12% to 15%. With the formation of ASEAN, economic cooperation blossomed as new agreements were signed. These include the ASEAN Free Trade Area, whose objective is to increase the region’s competitive advantage as a single production unit. It was a way to help boost the burgeoning industries of SEA. It is important to develop the economy of these young SEA nations as it ensures peace, progress and prosperity in a nation. Thus, one of the other reasons for the formation of ASEAN was to promote economic development. However, although the formation of ASEAN was spurred by various reasons, the desire to improve diplomatic relations among the countries proved to be the greatest motivation source. Strong diplomatic relations and trust among SEA nations will allow countries to develop their society and economy. If no trust exists between countries, there can be hardly any economic activity as countries would be skeptical of each other. Thus improving diplomatic relations would be more important than promoting economic activity. Bibliography www. wikipedia. org www. worldscibooks. com/eastasianstudies/4689. html

The White Dog Cafe

After careful consideration of the case, â€Å"Walking the Walk: Putting Social Responsibility into Action at the White Dog Cafe,† we believe that Judy’s main obligation is to find a qualified employee that has the same instrumental values as herself, and who can maintain the company’s philosophy of corporate social responsibility. The chapters used in this proactive social responsibility strategy are â€Å"Management’s Social and Ethical Responsibility† and â€Å"Influence, Power, and Leadership. For White Dog Cafe to be successful and to be able to keep up with their current frantic pace they need to hire multiple managers with equal skills and values as Judy, and balance social responsibility and restaurant quality. If there comes a day that Judy is no longer able to formally lead the organization, her main responsibility is to find ethical advocates with equal management skills that will be a positive reinforcement to the White Dog Cafe, and keep the tradition of Madame Blavatsky’s spirit and commitment to others. Judy’s high involvement within the company leaves her no time to go through the hiring process for when she decides to step down from her position. Being an altruistic manager, Judy is capable of balancing not only an abundant amount of projects and programs for the community but also a four-star restaurant. When the restaurant was first established, Judy had enforced the four-part philosophy to the company; she had made it well known to the employees and influenced the stakeholder audits of what she wanted to accomplish. Even though Judy was able to achieve an immense amount of tasks, it would be more efficient for the company to hire different transformational leaders for specific areas of White Dog Cafe. By promoting several employees to the manager positions, the company can be assured that they will not only thrive in the restaurant, but also in the ethical social responsibility aspect of the company. If Judy were to hire someone outside of the company, White Dog Cafe could risk losing their balance causing an iron law of responsibility. For instance, Ben & Jerry’s and The Body Shop had been bought out by two different companies that did not support the amount of social responsibility that the original companies were known for. This could be avoided by hiring current employees for the management positions because they already understand and abide by the company’s philosophy. By whistle blowing the new managers, the employees, can reassure the existence of the White Dog Cafe’s philosophy, and make certain that the managers understand how reacting with reactive social responsibility strategies is not acceptable. White Dog Cafe needs to promote its enlightened self-interest of community service by letting their customers know what the company is accomplishing; it will open the eyes of their clientele, and may lead to more loyal customers. Through Judy’s legitimate power, employees can promote their projects and programs by hanging wall decor of awards and pictures on their restaurant walls, descriptions on their menus, and a website explaining everything they achieve. Customers come into the restaurant for the exquisite food, exceptional customer service, and friendly atmosphere; however, if White Dog Cafe ever had been bought out by amoral managers, the customers and employees can stand their ground with continuous reinforcement and protest any managers that don’t qualify for the legitimate position that is of importance to the company. In the long-term future, when Judy decides to step-down from her high power position, she will have promoted several managers, creating even more empowerment within the company. By advertising all of their accomplishments and support to their community, White Dog Cafe will gain vast amounts of attention for more than just their service, attracting a wide variety of customers. The White Dog Cafe’s manager position is really stressful with all of the planning and organizing within the company; these managers need to possess emotional intelligence. We believe that with proper leadership skills, and accommodative social responsibility strategies that White Dog Cafe can prosper in Philadelphia’s community.

Psychiatric Model Is The Predominant View Of Mental Health

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